That is Turkey’s best bet, because, impressive and emotional as the demonstrations are, they are the expression of the feelings of a minority in this country of 76 million: the young, urban, well-educated middle class. They are enraged, they are frustrated, they are articulate – but they have no political strength. Even with the support of important social groups like the Alevis, organized labour, the bar association and the Kurdish opposition, they probably cannot force out the government. Any speculation that this wave of protest spells the end of Tayyip Erdoğan as political leader are premature. He may be an authoritarian and intolerant leader, but his record of stable and rather able government and high economic growth has given him a loyal following. There is little doubt that his party can win the municipal elections in 2014 and the next general election as well.
-Ընկերներ, շուկայի հարևանության ու այգու մերձակայքում ալկոհոլի վաճառքւ արգելված է:
— Ապեր, մենք չէ՞ որ հավաքվել էինք այստեղ բողոքելու, որ Թայիփ Էրդողանը ալկոհոլի վաճառքն է արգելել: Հիմա էլ ինչո՞վ ենք իրենից տարբերվում…
— Ճիշտ ես, ապե, բայց դե մեր վիճակին նայի: Այնքան ենք գարեջուր խմել, որ հեղաշրջում կատարլու հալ չկա վրաներս:
— Լավ բայց Թաքսիմի հրապարակում ուրբաթօրյա նամազ ենք անում, այգում խմելն արգելված է… Այս ի՞նչ է կատարվում, մեկը ինձ կբացատրի՞….
How the Two Countries Are Competing After the Arab Spring One of the most controversial elements of Turkish foreign policy has been the attempt by the Justice and Development party … Շարունակել կարդալ
Cracks have appeared between Turkey’s ruling party and the movement of an Islamic preacher that has been an influential supporter of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister.
The movement led by Fethullah Gulen, a 70-year-old preacher who lives in the United States, has been a key supporter of the Erdogan government, which is led by pious Muslims and has roots in political Islam. Some critics say the Gulencis, as the supporters of Mr Gulen are called in Turkey, have gained vast influence over state institutions.
But several decisions by Mr Erdogan have put off the Gulencis, as differences of interests between themselves and Mr Erdogan, a seasoned politician and party leader who always has an eye on the next elections, become apparent.
Tehran initially viewed the rise of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey with much enthusiasm. It has turned into a nightmare. Turkey’s shift against the Assad regime in Syria, and its manifest ideological appeal in a changing Middle East, now has Iranian leaders viewing Ankara as a key part of a U.S. scheme with the Arab States in the Persian Gulf aimed directly at them.
On the whole, no. The mildly Islamist Justice and Development (AK) government led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister, is right to pursue a policy, first enunciated by Ahmet Davutoglu, now foreign minister, of “zero problems with the neighbours”. This is a big improvement on previous governments that largely ignored their own backyard. Turkey remains a bastion of NATO, with the biggest army after the United States and a vital American air-force base at Incirlik. It is EU members like Cyprus, France and Germany—and not Turkey—that have done most to stall Turkish negotiations to join their club.
The Turkish prime minister’s recent tour of Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya was meant to distract from his missteps during the Arab Spring. More importantly, it was aimed at convincing Turks that their country is a powerful regional player.
Omer Taspinar, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, said Turkey might be using Israel as a convenient punching bag following a series of diplomatic setbacks and domestic failures, including the Kurdish problem.
Turkey plans to build a total of three nuclear power plants in hopes of preventing a possible energy shortage and reducing dependence on foreign supplies.